There are significant differences with respect to economic and social policies in our democracies. Some of them relates to the field of value orientations: how should we be concerned about our environment (what degree of degradation is acceptable to us, if it affects a higher level of GDP); how we should be concerned about the problem of poverty (some fraction of our total revenue, we are willing to sacrifice for the removal of the poor out of poverty, or at least some improvement in their situation); how much attention should be paid to the democratic structure (whether we are ready to compromise in the area of ??basic civil rights such as the right to freedom of association, if we believe that the result will be a more rapid economic growth). Other differences relate to how the economy should function. Summary analysis are clear: wherever information on the market is imperfect (as it always happens), you need government intervention? even if the state itself suffers from the imperfection of information - that can improve the efficiency of the market mechanism. As we saw in the third chapter, the assumptions underlying market fundamentalism, are not met, and in developed countries, not to mention developing. But advocates of market fundamentalism continues to argue that the inefficiencies that arise in the market is relatively insignificant, and the inefficiency of the state is relatively large. They view the state as part of the problem rather than as a tool to solve them. Unemployment arises from the fact that the state sets too high wages or allow excessive strengthening of trade unions.